Isaiah Berlin - Russian Thinkers
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argument. Let me quote Herzen's words:
Without controversy, unless he was irritated, he did not talk well;
but when he felt wounded, when his dearest convictions were
touched, and the muscles of his cheeks began to quiver and his voice
broke-one should have seen him then: he would fling himself at
his victim like a panther, he would tear him to pieces, make him
ridiculous, make him pitiful, and in the course of it would develop
his own thought with astonishing power and poetry. The argument would often end in blood which poured from the sick man's throat; pale, choking, with eyes fixed on whoever he was addressing,
he would, with a trembling hand, lift the handkerchief to his
mouth, and stop-terribly upset, undone by his lack of physical
strength. How I loved and how I pitied him at those moments !
At dinner with some decayed and respectable official who had
survived from the reign of the Empress Catherine, Belinsky went out
of his way to praise the execution of Louis XVI. Someone ventured
to say in front of him that Chaadaev (a Russian sympathiser with
Roman Catholicism, who had denounced the barbarism of his country)
had, in a civilised country, been very properly declared insane by the
tsar for insulting the dearest convictions of his people. Belinsky, after
vainly tugging at Herzen's sleeve and whispering to him to intervene,
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finally broke in himself, and said in a dead, dull voice that in still
more civilised countries the guillotine was invented for people who
advanced that kind of opinion. The victim was crushed, the host was
alarmed, and the party quickly broke up. Turgenev, who disliked
extremes, and detested scenes, loved and respected Belinsky for
precisely this social fearlessness that he himself conspicuously lacked.
With his friends Belinsky played cards, cracked commonplace
jokes, talked through the night, and charmed and exhausted them all.
He could not bear solitude. He was married unsuitably, from sheer
misery and loneliness. He died of consumption in the early summer
of 1 848. The head of the gendarmerie later expressed fierce regret
that Belinsky had died, adding: 'We would have rotted him in a
fortress.' He was thirty-seven or thirty-eight at the time of his death,
and at the height of his powers.
For all the external monotony of his days, Belinsky lived a life of
abnormal intensity, punctuated by acute crises, intellectual and moral,
which helped to destroy him physically. The subject which he had
chosen, the subject from which he cannot be separated even in thought,
was literature, and although he was, despite his detractors' charges of
lack of authentic capacity, acutely sensitive to pure literary quality, to
the sounds and rhythms and nuances of words, to images and poetical
symbolism and the purely sensuous emotions directed towards them,
yet that was not the central factor of his life. This centre was the
influence of ideas; not merely in the intellectual or rational sense in
which ideas are judgements or theories, but in that sense which is
perhaps even more familiar, but more difficult to express, in which
ideas embody emotions as well as thoughts, inarticulate as well as
explicit attitudes to the inner and to the outer worlds. This is the
sense in which ideas are something wider and more intrinsic to the
human beings who hold them than opinions or even principles, the
sense in which ideas constitute, and indeed are, the central complex
of relations of a man towards himself and to the external world, and
may be shallow or deep, false or true, closed or open, blind or endowed
with the power of insight. This is something which is discovered in
behaviour, conscious and unconscious, in style, in gestures and actions
and minute mannerisms at least as much as in any explicit doctrine or
professions of faith. It is ideas and beliefs in this sense, as they are
manifested in the lives and works of human beings-what is sometimes
vaguely called ideology-that perpetually excited Belinsky to enthusiasm
or anxiety or loathing, and kept him in a state sometimes amounting
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to a kind of moral frenzy. He believed what he believed very passionately, and sacrificed his entire nature to it. When he doubted he doubted no less passionately, and was prepared to pay any price for
the answers to the questions which tormented him. These questions
were, as might be supposed, about the proper relation of the individual
to himself and to other individuals, to society, about the springs of
human action and feeling, about the ends of life, but in panicular
about the imaginative work of the anist, and his moral purpose.
All serious questions to Belinsky were always, in the end, moral
questions: about what it is that is wholly valuable and worth pursuing
for its own sake. To him this meant the question of what is alone
wonh knowing, saying, doing, and, of course, fighting for-if need be,
dying for. The ideas which he found in books or in conversation were
not for him, in the first place, intrinsically interesting or delightful
or even intellectually imponant, to be examined, analysed, reflected
about in some detached and impartial fashion. Ideas were, above all,
true or false. If false, then like evil spirits to be exorcised. All books
embody ideas, even when least appearing to do so; and it is for these
that, before anything else, the critic must probe. To illustrate this I
shall give you a curious, indeed a grotesque, but nevertheless, it seems
to me, illuminating example of his method. His critics and biographers
do not mention it, since it is a trivial piece of writing. In the course
of his day-to-day journalism Belinsky pul>lished a shon review of a
Russian version of some nineteenth-century French translation of
The Yicar of Walujield. The review starts conventionally enough, but
gradually assumes an irritated and hostile tone: Belinsky does not like
Goldsmith's masterpiece because he thinks it falsifies the moral facts.
He complains that in the character of the Vicar, Goldsmith represents
apathy, placid stupidity, and incompetence as being ultimately superior
to the qualities of the fighter, the reformer, the aggressive champion of
ideas. The Vicar is represented as a simple soul, full of Christian
resignation, unpractical, and constantly deceived; and this natural
goodness and innocence, it is implied, is somehow both incompatible
with, and superior to, cleverness, intellect, action. This to Belinsky
is a deep and damnable heresy. All books embody points of view, rest
on underlying assumptions, social, psychological, and aesthetic, and
the basis on which the Yicar rests is, according to Belinsky, philistine
and false. It is a glorification of persons who are not engaged in the
struggle of life, who stand on the edge uncommitted, dlgagls, and
enter only to be bamboozled and compromised by the active and the
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crooked; which leads them to material defeat but moral victory. But
this, he exclaims, is to pander to irrationalism-to the faith in 'muddling
through' clung to by the average bourgeois everywhere�and to that
extent it is a dishonest representation of cowardice as a deeper wisdom,
of failure, temporising, appeasement, as a profound understanding of
life. One may reply that this is an absurd exaggeration; and places a
ludicrously heavy burden on the shoulders of the poor Vicar. But it
illustrates the beginning of a new kind of social criticism, which
searches in literature neither for ideal 'types' of men or situations (as
the earlier German romantics had taught), nor for an ethical instrument for the direct improvement of life; but for the attitude to life of an individual author, of his milieu, or age or class. This attitude
then requires to be judged as it would be in life in the first place for
its degree of genuineness, its adequacy to its subject-matter, its depth,
its truthfulness, its ultimate motives.
'I am a litterateur,' he wrote. 'I say this with a painful and yet
proud and happy feeling. Russian literature is my life and my blood.'
And this is intended as a declaration of moral status. When the radical
writer, Vladimir Korolenko, at the beginning of this century said 'My
country is not Russia, my country is Russian literature', it is this
position that was being so demonstratively defended. Korolenko was
speaking in the name of a movement which, quite correctly, claimed
Belinsky as its founder, of a creed for which literature alone was
free from the betrayals of everyday Russian life, and alone offered a
hope of justice, freedom, truth.
Books and ideas to Belinsky were crucial events, matters of life and
death, salvation and damnation, and he therefore reacted to them with
the most devastating violence. He was by temperament not religious,
nor a naturalist, nor an aesthete, nor a scholar. He was a moralist,
secular and anti-clerical through and through. Religion was to him a
detestable insult to reason, theologians were charlatans, the Church a
conspiracy. He believed that objective truth was discoverable in
nature, in society, and in the hearts of men. He was not an impressionist, he was not prepared to confine himself to ethically neutral analysis, or meticulous description without bias or comment, of the
tex�ure of life or of art. This he would have thought, like Tolstoy, or
Henen, shallow, self-indulgent or frivolous, or else (if you knew the
moral truth but preferred the outer texture) deliberate and odious
cynicism. The texture was an outer integument, and if you wanted to
understand what life was really like (and therefore what it could
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become), you had to distinguish what is eternal and desperately
important from the the ephemeral, however attractive. It was not
enough to look at or even re-create what Virginia Woolf called the
'semi-transparent envelope' which encloses our existence from life to
death; you had to sink beneath the mere flow of life, and examine
the structure of the ocean bed, and how the winds blow and how the
tides flow, not as an end in itself (for no man may be indifferent to
his own fate), but in order to master the elements and to steer your
craft, it may be with unending suffering and heroism, it may be against
infinitely great odds, towards the goal of truth and social justice which
you in fact know to be (because this cannot be doubted) the only goal
worth seeking for its own sake. To linger on the surface, to spend
yourself in increasingly elaborate descriptions of its properties and of
your own sensations, was either moral idiocy or calculated immoral ism,
either blindness or a craven lie which would in the end destroy the
man who told it. The truth alone was beautiful and it was always
beautiful, it could never be hideous or destructive or bleak or trivial,
and it did not live in the outer appearance. It lay 'beneath' (as Schelling,
Plato, Hegel taught) and was revealed only to those who cared for
the truth alone, and was therefore not for the neutral, the detached,
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