Лев Гунин - ГУЛаг Палестины

between Montreal's Immigration Board with Israelis, after their negative decision, which defining me as a dangerous

"exaggerator" and "found me guilty" in "spreading slender" against Israel, what other treatment except of inhuman could

we expect in Israel?

1.6.RESUME

In this document I explained why my family, and me - we would be not like other people if removed to Israel: because my

personal confrontation with Israeli political structures began long before we were taken to Israel, because we did not want

to go to the state of Israel and were taken there against our will, because of the scandal at the Central railway station in

Warsaw, because I refused to cooperate with Mossad, because in Israel I became relatively well-known for my articles

against human rights violation in Israel and was defined by Israeli authorities as an "enemy", because our personalities

are not compatible to Israeli society, because we do not practicing Judaism, and because of a number of other reasons,

which were described in that document.

Our 3 years in Canada proved that I am not a pathological troublemaker. 3 years in Canada could show that we could live

avoiding conflicts, respecting the laws and regulations, and quickly accommodating. My children are good students, they

have a lot of friends, and they are completely suitable to the local society. My older daughter is an advanced piano player,

and she passed exams at McGill University with the best mark. My younger daughter is a talented ballerina, her pictures

are everywhere in Ballet studios, she is an advanced dancer, and she also was chosen to enter the National Ballet School

in Toronto from dozens of other pretendents. Their French is nice and literary, they also advanced in English. And we are

not on welfare any more! We could be peaceful and useful members of the local society if we would be given a chance to

stay here. (Group of documents # 4 in Supplements are corresponding to this paragraph).

THIS IS THE BEST PROOF THAT OUR TROUBLES IN ISRAEL ERUPTED NOT BECAUSE IT WAS OUR FAULT (as the

commissioners tried to show), AND NOT IN RESULT OF OUR "EXAGGERATIONS"! WE FACED PERSECUTIONS IN

ISRAEL BECAUSE OF OBJECTIVE REASONS AND COULD NOT GO BACK BECAUSE OF RISK TO LIFE, EXTREME

SANCTIONS, AND INHUMAN TREATMENT. OUR REMOVAL TO ISRAEL WOULD BRING US TO A TRAGIC END.

Theoretical suggestions if people like us could face a tragic end (without figuring out the impact our personal claim

events: as commissioners did) in Israel are completely useless in our case because our case and our personalities are

unique.

Please, give us a chance to stay here, because if we would be removed back to Israel lives of my children, my wife, my

mother, and my life, would be terminated! Please, do not send us towards tragic end. Try to understand your full

responsibility for what will happen if we would be sent back to Israel.

1.7. MY FINAL STATEMENT

As the most honest people I am not impudently self-confidential. I might be shocked by aggressive and ironical

interrogators (as Mrs. Malka): but this is just one more proof of my honesty and innocence. To support our refugee claim

we presented to the Immigration Board so many documentary proofs as probably no refugee claimants in Canadian

Immigration's history! All of them, including legal, and medical documents, official correspondence and newspapers'

articles, related to me, other documents, were ignored, and only one document was considered as "non-related" without

any reasonable explanations. If the forces, which acted against us, could encourage such an outraged injustice and unfair

treatment of us even here, in Canada, in Israel they could eliminate us for sure. Sending us to Israel you must realize that

you send us to death. Removal to Israel means for us a death penalty. But Canada has no death penalty even in

Canadian criminal code! ! ! Especially, for children! I ask you to think about it while composing you final decision. Please...

Sincerely yours,

Lev Gunin

Next Document

PREVIOUS DOCUMENT: DOCUMENT 1 FROM DOCUMENTS

Four Mrs. Louis-Phillippe SIMARD, Manager, Post Determination Review

FROM Lev GUNIN (FILE Number 2948-6524/ 95/76/23/18

ID: 3082-7125/7174/7220/7231/7317/ )

DOCUMENT NUMBER 2

2.1. I was in grade 9, when voluntarism and vulnerability of my class teacher, PERFILOVA Maria Michajlovna, converted me from a good school pupil and a promising

young musician into a person without future, persecuted by KGB. She was a communist party member and an outraged careerist. She took one of my school essays

and took it to KGB. She also made an open public court over me at the school, not waiting for KGB command. Officially KGB rejected her accusations. They found

nothing, which could be considered as anti-Sovetism, in my composition. But in ex-USSR an obstruction, which Perfilova made me at school, and the very fact that she

was in KGB building to report on me was enough to devastate my whole life and to cause what it caused. It is also possible that rejecting Perfilova (what made her

insane) they secretly put my name on their black list already by then.

2.2. I was prevented from becoming a student of a Music College or university, and later, when I entered music studies by a miracle and graduated, I was prevented

from a good musical carrier. In 1979 I was brutally beaten because of an order from KGB. During many years my social and professional status, my health, my privacy,

my security, even my freedom and my life were every minute under a threat. Nobody knows what I came through -, and did not become an alcoholic, or sadist, and

never violated any criminal rule.

2.3. Because I felt more secure among other persecuted people, I started to cooperate with a number of human rights groups and movements and with some other

groups and organizations. Most of them were non-conformist art and poetry \ prose groups. I formed my own poetry circle where I was a leader. I also organized a

movement in opposition to ideologically motivated demolition or levelation of Bobruysk's 18-19 century architecture, mostly Jewish. I organized mass photographing

of the center of Bobruysk. The local authorities have unofficially forbidden that. "Militia" several times arrested my supporters, and me, our photo films were

confiscated. Only in the end of 1980-s I contacted Mr. V. Senderov, Mr. V. Batcshev, Mrs. Elena Bonner and other world-famous dissidents and human rights activists,

and also correspondents of the west media in Moscow. Only by then I already had permanent contacts with some representatives of foreign parliaments and

embassies, but never with any intelligence. I also maintained close cooperation with two different forces: Frankfurt-based NTS and National Front of Belarus.

2.4. As a person who was deeply involved in the cultural self-determination process of the Soviet Jews I also was the first activist in Belarus, who combined several

goals together. They were: studies of Yiddish and Hebrew languages and the Jewish history, revitalization of Bobruysk's Jewish cultural and historical heritage,

restoration of Jewish religious community, foundation of a Jewish club, newspaper, theatre, and schools. Nobody - except me - believed by then that it might be

possible. My poetry in Yiddish was published in "Sovetisch Hiemland" (Moscow) and "Der Arbeiter Stimme" (Warsaw). I also became a co-editor of one underground

Jewish magazine, based in Minsk. I also became known in cultural circles in Moscow and Leningrad (St.-Petersburg). I maintained contacts with the most famous

personalities like composer D. Shostakovich, poet A. Voznesensky, singers like V. Tolkunova, or L. Leshchenko, and others. In Minsk (where I studied and worked 2

times a week) I maintained almost close relationship with the whole cultural elite: composers (D.Smolski, L. Obeliovich, G. Vagner, U. Semeniako, and others),

historians (Tarasov, Zenon Pozdniak (later leader of the National Front), V. Posse, my relative, A. Gritzkievich, O. Dadiomova), pop-rock musicians, and so on.

2.5. During short periods of time (in 1986-87) it looked like persecutions against me were suspended or lightened. But in the same period of time I started to be

persecuted by another political force - by Israeli missionary stuff in Minsk and Bobruysk. By that time my brother Vitaly - a talented painter and brilliant businessman

organized one of the first free ("capitalist") enterprises in Belarus. I was an administrator of one of its section, which arranged invitation of famous artists for tours in

Minsk and Bobruysk. So, my brother, Mr. Pinchas Plotkin, an Yiddish poet, I, Mr. Marat Kurtzer, and Igor Gorelik - we formed a first circle, which achieved good results in

restoring Jewish life in Bobruysk. A course of Yiddish, a library, a club, and other activities became a reality and refreshed the local Jewish life. This was what Israelis

did not want to allow. They wanted to eliminate the whole Jewish social and cultural life in ex-USSR. They suggested that if life in USSR would become non-attractive

for the Jews, they could more easily leave for Israel. They also did everything to terrify Jewish population by rumors about pogroms, and by other exaggerations.

Missioners like J. EDEL, Arie ROTENBERG, or Dorit HE came to USSR to arrange total control over the local Jewish life and to put down any competitive power. I new

dozens of other missioners who came to Minsk and Bobruysk to devastate local Jewish life and to jeopardize mass migration to Israel. They often expressed their

hatred towards Soviet Jews.

2.6. Israelis started to build their own activist infrastructure, alternative to ours. They attracted young aggressive careerists, convincing them that they are totally

protected, could commit any crimes - and go unpunished. Those boys and girls in their 20-s like Boris Kagan, Dmitry Levin, Vova Kazinetz, Z. Fridburg and others were

nothing without Israeli leadership. Their local leader became Ilia Rodov, my brother's school colleague. Rodov became a known local figure only because my

brother's, and my help. My brother Vitaly helped him in everything during their studies at the Art College, he presented Rodov to prominent and influential people, and

even helped him by giving him money or work at his enterprise. Rodov was a well-known collaborationist: he cooperated with the communist authorities. He also was

considered in intellectual circles as KGB informer and "comsomol" activist. He often accused and "denounced" Jewish "nationalists." But very soon he rapidly

changed his views, expressing interest to Yiddish culture (when the group of Yiddishists was the most powerful in Bobruysk). When the influence of Israelis

increased, he rapidly changed his opinion again "denouncing" Yiddish and calling to "forget Yiddish and study Hebrew." He was supported not only by Israelis, but by

the local communist authorities as well.

2.7. Even by then I already suspected close cooperation between Israelis -and local communist authorities. When Bobruysk was a military zone, and a special

authorization was needed for foreigners to visit that city, Israelis went to Bobruysk easily. They also had free meetings with people, which was impossible for any other

foreigners, for example, for Finish Baptist missioners. They openly called people to emigrate to Israel using lie, deception, threats and profanation. They did

everything to discredit my group, and me. Rodov's group has the full freedom to operate and to work with people. We were stopped by the authorities, disrupted and