Фрэнк Маклинн - Чингисхан. Человек, завоевавший мир

RT I pp. 107–108.

Ratchnevsky, Genghis Khan p. 36.

SHO pp. 85–87; SHR рр. 35–36.

SHO pp. 87–90; SHR pp. 37–39; Rachewiltz, Commentary p. 417.

Rachewiltz, Commentary p. 435.

SHC pp. 52–53; SHO pp. 95–96; SHR pp. 44–45; SHW p. 262.

V V Bartold, 'Chingis-Khan,' in Encyclopaedia of Islam (1st ed., repr. 1968 v pp. 615–628 (at p. 617)); Vladimirtsov, Le regime social pp. 107–108; Vladimirtsov, Genghis Khan p. 130.

Grousset, Conqueror of the World p. 67.

SHO pp. 96–97; SHR pp. 44–46.

Vladimirtsov, Le regime social pp. 105–107.

As Rachewiltz sagely remarks, 'If neither Temujin nor his wife could understand Jamuga's poetic riddle, what hope have we, who are so far removed from that culture, to understand what was the real meaning of those words?' (Rachewiltz, Commentary p. 442).

Owen Lattimore, 'Chingis Khan and the Mongol Conquests,' Scientific American 209 (1963) pp. 55–68 (at p. 62); Lattimore, 'Honor and Loyalty: the case of Temujin and Jamukha,' in Clark & Draghi, Aspects pp. 127–138 (at p. 133).

Grousset, Empire pp. 201–202; Gumilev, Imaginary Kingdom pp. 143–145.

The numbers mentioned in the Secret History are unreliable for a number of reasons: 1) the author embellished with poetic licence and routinely inflated the size of armies; 2) the author anachronistically projected back into the twelfth century names, titles, technologies and modalities that belonged to an era fifty years in the future; 3) numbers in Mongol histories have a mystical or symbolic significance and therefore cannot be taken seriously for historical research. See Larry Moses, 'Legends by Numbers: the symbolism of numbers in the Secret History of the Mongols,' Asian Folklore Studies 55 (1996) pp. 73–97 and Moses, 'Triplicated Triplets: the Number Nine in the Secret History of the Mongols,' Asian Folklore Studies 45 (1986) pp. 287–294.

For exhaustive detail on the Thirteen see Pelliot & Hambis, Campagnes pp. 35–37, 53–135. See also Louis Ligeti, 'Une ancienne interpolation dans I'Altan Tobci,' Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 26 (1972) pp. 1–10.

SHO p. 104; SHR p. 152; Buell, Dictionary p. 159.

SHO pp. 127–128, 150–154, 177; SHR pp. 74–75, 96–100, 123–124.

Дух команды, солидарности ( фр .).

Infra dignitatem ( лат .) — дурная слава; плохая репутация.

SHO p. 90; SHW p. 263.

Grousset, Empire; Vladimirtsov, Le regime social p. 101.

Тумен — наиболее крупная организационная тактическая единица монгольского войска XIII–XV век. — Прим. пер.

SHO pp. 99–100; SHR p. 48. When he conquered the Turned later, Temujin actually made good on this promise (SHO pp. 195–196; SHR p. 138).

SHO p. 78; SHR p. 30; Atwood, Encyclopedia p. 9; Pelliot & Hambis, Campagnes pp. 155, 164, 340–341.

Martin, Rise of Chingis Khan p. 66.

Grousset described the Uriangqai's skates as follows: 'Small, well-polished bones tied to their feet with which they speed so swiftly over the ice that they catch animals in the night' (Empire pp. 579, 582).

For Subedei's early life see Abel-Remusat, Nouveaux melanges II p. 97; Hildinger, Story of the Mongols p. 65; Gabriel, Subotai pp. 1–5.

SHO p. 76; SHR p. 28.

Vladimirtsov, Genghis Khan p. 33.

SHC p. 58.

Barfield, Perilous Frontier pp. 187–188.

SHO p. 106; SHR p. 53; SHW p. 266.

ibid.; Rachewiltz, Commentary pp. 475–476.

Pelliot & Hambis, Campagnes pp. 135–137.

Denis Sinor, 'The Legendary Origin of the Turks,' in Zygas & Voorheis, eds, Folklorica pp. 223–257 (at pp. 243–246).

Buell, Dictionary pp. 9–11.

Ratchnevsky, Genghis Khan pp. 49–50, 235.

It was not just Temujin who had to endure hostility from brothers and uncles.

Wittfogel & Feng, Liao p. 648.

Gabriel, Subotai p. 9.

SHO p. 103; SHR pp. 50–51.

Pelliot & Hambis, Campagnes pp. 196–207.

For the planning of the campaign see Pelliot, 'L'edition collective des oeuvres de Wang Konowei,' T'oung Pao 26 (1929) pp. 113–182 (at pp. 126–128). For the military aspects see Pelliot & Hambis, Campagnes pp. 192–200.

Pelliot & Hambis, Campagnes pp. 202–203.

Ratchnevsky, Genghis Khan p. 235 claims this location was at 43° N109° E.

SHO pp. 108–110; SHR pp. 57–58; Hambis, Genghis Khan pp. 47, 57; Pelliot & Hambis, Campagnes pp. 195–199.

Другое написание — Вангин-Чинсян. — Прим. пер .

Pelliot, Notes sur Marco Polo I pp. 291–295.

Ratchnevsky, Genghis Khan pp. 52–53.

Abel-Remusat, Melanges p. 90.

Ratchnevsky, Genghis Khan p. 56.

SHO pp. 113–114; SHR p. 61.

RT I pp. 163–164; SHO pp. 107–108, SHR p. 55.

SHW pp. 267–268.

Rachewiltz, Commentary pp. 511–512.

Ratchnevsky, Genghis Khan p. 43.

Gumilev, Imaginary Kingdom p. 138.

SHO pp. 110–111; SHR pp. 58–59; Ratchnevsky, Genghis Khan p. 54.

SHW p. 270; SHC pp. 64–65; Pelliot, Notes sur Marco Polo I p. 322; Pelliot & Hambis, Campagnes p. 223.

SHO p. 114; SHR pp. 61–62.

Grousset, Empire p. 204.

Ratchnevsky, Genghis Khan pp. 54–55.

Krause, Cingis Han p. 15; d'Ohsson, Histoire I pp. 53–54, 74.

Ratchnevsky, Genghis Khan p. 57.

Pelliot & Hambis, Campagnes p. 309.

Hambis, Genghis Khan pp. 61–62.

RT I pp. 177–178; SHO pp. 132–133; SHR pp. 80–81.

RT I p. 64; Barthold, Turkestan p. 362; Pelliot & Hambis, Campagnes рр. 333–334.

SHO p. 134; SHR p. 82.

RT I pp. 178–179; Krause, Cingis Han р. 17.

RT I рр. 179–180; SHC pp. 76–78; Mostaert, Sur quelques passages p. 69; d'Ohsson, Histoire I p. 60.

RT I pp. 165, 175, 180–181; SHO pp. 126–128; SHR рр. 73–75; SHC pp. 80–81.

RT I p. 182; SHC p. 68; Pelliot, Notes sur Marco Polo I pp. 225–226; Pelliot & Hambis, Campagnes pp. 248–249.

Gumilev, Imaginary Kingdom p. 150.

Ratchnevsky, Genghis Khan pp. 38–39.

RT I p. 182; SHO p. 115; SHR pp. 62–63. As Lattimore says about Sorqan Shira's similar circumspection: 'It required nerve and good timing to elude the obligations of collective responsibility imposd by the institution of the subordinate tribe' (Lattimore, 'Chingis Khan and the Mongol Conquests,' Scientific American 209 (1963) pp. 55–68 (at p. 60)).

SHC pp. 73–74; SHO pp. 120–121; SHR pp. 67–68. One version of this explanation has it that the Ongirrad had originally decided to submit to Temujin but that, on their way to him, they were mistaken for the enemy and attacked by Kereit under Jochi Qasar. Enraged by their treatment, they joined Jamuga instead. (Martin, Rise of Chingis Khan pp. 72–73).

Rachewiltz, Commentary locates the site of the battle at 48° N11° E, between the Onon and Kerulen.

Pelliot, Notes sur Marco Polo I pp. 424–425; Pelliot in T'oung Pao 13 (1912) pp. 436–438.

For descriptions of the battle see RT I pp. 85, 183; II p. 43; SHO p. 117; SHR p. 64; Grousset, Empire p. 201; Gumilev, Imaginary Kingdom pp. 155–156; Whiting, Military History p. 367.

For Jamuga's use of these arrows see SHO pp. 87–88; SHR pp. 37–38.

Так у автора. Тайджиуты — тоже монголы. — Прим. пер .

SHO pp. 118–119; SHR pp. 65–67; d'Ohsson, Histoire I p. 63.

SHC pp. 69–70.

SHC p. 81.

Детская игра, в которой постоянно возобновляется состязание за то, чтобы успеть занять стулья, когда по команде внезапно обрывается музыка. — Прим. пер .

Grousset, Empire p. 207; see also Melville, Amir Chupan.

See the first-rate analysis in Rachewiltz, Commentary pp. 528–531.

SHO pp. 118–119; SHR pp. 65–67.

SHC pp. 74–75; SHW p. 275; SHO pp. 121–122; SHR p. 69. It is only fair to point out that some scholars are sceptical about the historicity of the Jebe incident, viewing it as a standard motif or topos in epic poetry. For a nuanced discussion of the pros and cons of this argument see Rachewiltz, Commentary рр. 533–534, 536–538.

Выше тележной оси. «Сказание», § 154. — Прим. пер .

Some scholars dispute that the policy was genocide and claim that Temujin intended to execute only all such males in the tribal confederacy. To act otherwise would be a waste of potential slave labour and 'arrow fodder'. (Rachewiltz, Commentary p. 571).